GHAZWUL FIKRI PDFJuly 7, 2020
() Miichi, Ken, Farouk, Omar (eds.), Southeast Asian Muslims in the era of globalization, pp. 61 – (Part of book). Download/Full Text. Open Access. In the s, discussions in circles of committed Muslims in Indonesia were enriched with the concept of ghazwul fikri (al-ghazw al-fikri, invasion of ideas). Ghazwul FIKRI updated their profile picture. April 3 ·. Ghazwul FIKRI’s photo. Like Comment. See All. Photos. Image may contain: text. Image may contain: one or.
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Ghazwul fikri or Arabization? Indonesian Muslim responses to globalization
Indonesian Muslim responses to globalisation. In the s, discussions in circles of committed Muslims in Indonesia were enriched with the concept of ghazwul fikri al-ghazw al-fikri, invasion of ideaswhich became a catch-all term to refer to various forms of Western cultural invasion: Critics were quick to point out that this concept was itself a symptom of another kind of cultural invasion.
The term ghazwul fikri was part of a much larger complex of ideas, an entire Weltanschauung, that was adopted lock, stock and barrel from Middle Eastern Islamist sources and propagated by certain local actors backed up by lavish funding from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries.
Both the proponents of the ghazwul fikri thesis and the opponents of Arabization appeared to share the perception that Indonesian Islam was under threat of being subverted by foreign influences and the assumption that local cultures are largely passive recipients of global flows.
A year earlier, a similar text was published in Singapore: A perusal of relevant journals may yet show up earlier usage of the term in the late s, but these are the books one finds often quoted by later Indonesian authors.
The term occurs with increasing frequency in Islamic magazines and journals through the s, and its continuing occurrence in the s can easily be attested with a Google search 25, hits when last accessed on 14 Decembermost of them magazine articles from the previous five years.
Martin van Bruinessen, Ghazwul fikri or Arabization? In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the dominant global flows impacting on Indonesia, each supported by communities of settlers, hailed from three powerful centres: As a nation, Indonesia was shaped by Dutch colonialism and Islam-inspired resistance to foreign domination.
Colonial rule, gradually expanding during this period, integrated the various regions of insular Southeast Asia under a single administration and introduced new ideas and practices in law, education and associational life. Islam had come to Indonesia from various parts of Asia and in many different forms, but in the nineteenth century it was Arab traders from Hadramaut and hajis, local men who had made the pilgrimage to Mecca, who were the most important cultural brokers.
Like the colonial administration, networks of Muslim learning and trade transcended ethnic boundaries; for both, moreover, the Malay language, with its numerous Arabic loanwords, was the preferred medium of communication.
Muslims have always looked towards Mecca and Medina as the prestigious heartland, and many travelled there not only to fulfil a religious obligation but to gain spiritual power and prestige. Upon their return, they often attempted to reform local religious practices and bring them more in line with what they had witnessed in Arabia.
The history of Islam in Indonesia is one of wave upon wave of reform, brought about by these returning pilgrims, after which the reformed practices and beliefs were soon accommodated in new local adaptations or gave rise to anti-reformist protests Ricklefs; van Bruinessen The leading nationalists of the early twentieth century had received their education in Dutch schools and had no access to Arabic texts.
On the latter see Jedamski So-called Pasar Malay, the language of the market, used between Chinese middlemen and their indigenous customers, was quite different again and showed much less Arabic influence. The discussions in the association also indicated a quite Westernized approach to Islamic issues Saidi Around the same time, the Ahmadiyah also began to gain influence in the same circles, due to its English-language publications and the English- speaking missionaries it had sent from British India to Indonesia.
The major Muslim associations, such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, were established according to Dutch Indies legislation and followed the model of Dutch Christian religious associations, also in terms of the type of activities they engaged in. Both sent envoys to the Netherlands Indies, leading to a lasting presence of the Ahmadiyah in Indonesia.
It was the Lahore missionaries who made a significant impact on Muslim reformism in Indonesia. See BeckBurhani See Zulkarnain ; Noor The New Order and its favoured Muslim discourses Indonesians who wished to increase their knowledge and understanding of Islam had traditionally spent periods under the guidance of prominent scholars in Mecca or at the Azhar in Cairo. The major centres of Islamic learning in South Asia, which exercised some influence in Malaysia, never attracted many Indonesian students.
The first Indonesians to pursue Islamic studies in Western academia, as early as the late s and s, were a handful of young men affiliated with the Reformist Muslim party Masyumi which in those years was the main pro-Western party. Cantwell Smith had recently established as a centre for interreligious encounter. Mukti Ali and Harun Nasution, who were to exert a major influence on later generations of Muslim students, were the best known among this first cohort.
Nasution wrote his Ph. State Institute of Islamic Studies. Both men had an enormous influence on younger generations of students and Muslim intellectuals Muzani ; Munhanif Under the New Order their number rapidly expanded until every province had one.
The government relied on these institutes to create a class of 8 The incorporation into the British Empire gave Malaya an orientation towards India that was to endure long cikri independence. The famous madrasah of Deoband, and later the Maududi Institute in Lahore, have attracted significant numbers of Malaysian students and made a lasting impact on Muslim discourses in Malaysia; see the contributions by Noor McGill continued to train Indonesian Muslim scholars in the following decades.
See Jabali and Jamhari ; Steenbrink From the mids onwards, perceiving the radicalizing tendency among recent graduates from Middle Eastern countries, the Ministry of Religious Affairs intensified academic cooperation with Western countries and sent increasing numbers of IAIN graduates to Canada, the Netherlands, Australia and Germany for postgraduate studies. Foreign scholars were invited to teach at IAINs. IAIN graduates in the religious bureaucracy, in the religious courts fhazwul in education have proven to be a force of moderation and reason in the conflict-ridden years following the fall of the Suharto regime.
The most famous and influential of the American graduates was Nurcholish Madjid. Moderation, interreligious understanding, bourgeois-liberal values, contextual interpretation of the Islamic sources and respect for local tradition are some of the core elements of this discourse. In the s, corresponding with the changing global conditions, democratic values and human rights, as well as a tendency towards Perennialist and Sufi thought became increasingly salient.
Gbazwul popularity and influence were much resented by those Muslims who were convinced that Islam and secularism do not go together and who thought that he betrayed the ideals of the struggle to make Indonesia a more Islamic society and state. Masyumi leader Mohamad Natsir had been jailed under Sukarno and was released from prison soon after Suharto took over. He and other prominent Masyumi leaders were, however, not allowed to play a role in formal politics again, and the party remained banned.
Ghazsul Martin van Bruinessen, Ghazwul fikri or Arabization? Its leading members were not exclusively Salafi-oriented but included Islamist thinkers such as Maulana Maududi in Pakistan as well as several Sufis. The Rabita provided the DDII — or rather, Natsir personally, as well as some of the other contact persons; all relations were personalized — with funds for building mosques and training preachers.
More importantly, it made numerous grants available for study in Saudi Arabia.
Recipients of these grants were to play leading parts in the Islamist and Salafi movements that flourished in semi-legality in the s and came to the surface after In the s and s and continuing through the sthe DDII and related publishing houses brought out translations of contemporary Islamist works. Only from the s onwards was guazwul a significant shift to the dissemination of more strictly apolitical, Salafi literature.
More overtly political and generally left-leaning student movements had been successfully repressed in the late s, and strict new regulations prevented most organized student activity on campus, but the government allowed, and perhaps even encouraged, the cultivation of religious piety through study circles known as halqah or daurah.
Most of these were at some time connected with the DDII and modelled themselves to some extent on the Muslim Brotherhood or the Hizb ut-Tahrir, the other major transnational Islamist movement.
A more elusive network of radical Muslim groups that hoped to turn Indonesia into an Islamic state persisted underground and made its existence known by occasional acts of symbolic violence. The Negara Islam Indonesia NII movement had its origins in the Darul Islam uprising that from the late s until its final suppression in the early s had constituted a considerable force in several regions. This was a largely home-grown Islamist movement, but like the student movement of the s and s, it also adopted ideas and methods of disciplining from the Muslim Brotherhood.
It remained very much an Indonesian movement, however, with Indonesian concerns and objectives restricted to Indonesia. Suharto co-opted many of his former Islamist critics through a number of symbolic pro-Islamic gestures, and within the armed forces a faction emerged that patronized Islamist groups. Besides the still dominant liberal Muslim voices, Islamist and fundamentalist voices were empowered and became entrenched in various institutions.
Anti-liberal and anti-Western Muslim discourses were welcomed and patronized by the elements in the regime that were for various reasons opposed to liberalization and to Western political and cultural domination. In a departure from previous government policy, street demonstrations by radical Muslim groups were allowed, especially when protesting distant issues such as Israeli policies in occupied Palestine.
Ghazwul fikri or Arabization? Indonesian Muslim responses to globalization
The groundwork had been laid by organizations such as the DDII, and further developed by the various networks of study circles, ghawul on and off campus. Two other factors, however, were 11 The Jamaah Islamiyah, which carried out the most spectacular terrorist acts of the s, emerged from a split in the NII.
On the Darul Islam movement and its later transformations, see Temby Liddle ; Hefner ; van Bruinessen Madjid had studied in the Fiori and was frequently accused of having betrayed his origins; Wahid, who led the Traditionalist association Nahdlatul Ulama from tohad extensive contacts with the world of international that is, Western NGOs and their interventionist agendas.
Both, moreover, were vocal defenders of the specifically Indonesian expressions of Islam and the rights of religious minorities. In their view, and that of many mainstream Muslims, one should distinguish between Islam as a religion and Arab culture; a person ghazwup very well be a pious Muslim without adopting Arab culture.
The liberal and tolerant attitudes displayed by the likes of Wahid and Madjid were decried as threats to genuine Islam, the unfortunate effects of globalization, an invasion of dangerous alien ideas: Like the battle cries of the anti-globalization movement, the term ghazwul fikri is itself a symptom of globalization.
The Indonesians who adopted the term and the accompanying worldview borrowed them lock, stock and barrel from Arab, and more specifically Egyptian, authors. Hgazwul increasing popularity of the term reflects increasing communication with the Arab Middle East. It was first adopted by Indonesian circles that were sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood or were in contact with the Rabita.
In the Middle East, the concept of al-ghazw al-fikri appears to have gained currency following the Arab defeat in the Israeli-Arab war ofand to be closely associated with the search for Arab authenticity. The iconic representative of this particular response, the prolific journalist Muhammad Jalal Kishk, wrote no less than four books with al-ghazw al-fikri in the title.
Notions of cosmopolitanism and so-called universal values are not neutral and supra-civilizational, but they are the weapons used by one of the civilizations in its effort to dominate the others.
The Arab people are facing a new crusade from the West, different from the earlier two. The first wave was that of medieval crusaders, with the cross and the sword, who were ultimately repelled.
The Arabs can only win the struggle for survival as a civilization when they hold on to the authentic core of that civilization, namely Islam, and do not allow their minds to be invaded by alien ideas and foreign ideologies. Ajami places the discourse of al-ghazw al-fikri in the context of Arab soul-searching after the defeat ofand increasing disappointment with socialism, liberalism and the various forms of nationalism that had dominated Arab political and intellectual life the s and s. As some critics were quick to point out, the very notion of ghazwul fikri fikrl represented a cultural invasion, though not from the West, and they questioned why authenticity should be sought in an Arabian version of Islam.
Let me open a parenthesis here, and relate my own first encounter with debates on authenticity, soon after I had arrived in Bandung for an extensive period of fieldwork there in In the first weeks, when still trying to get my bearings in the new environment, I frequently met with a friendly elderly gentleman, who happened to live next to the guesthouse where I was staying, and who was very knowledgeable about Javanese and Sundanese culture and the spirit beliefs in which I took a special interest.
Pak Dody had grown up in the early years of Indonesian Independence and belonged to the last generation that had benefited from a Dutch school education. As a senior official of the Indonesian Red Cross, he had seen much of the world, was familiar with various foreign cultures and found it easy to socialize with Westerners. After retirement, he had given in to his interest in the Javanese spiritual tradition and started practising meditation.
He told me proudly about his son, who studied at the famous Agricultural Institute of Bogor and who was a very ghazwil young man. The son often expressed his concern with all the things he thought were wrong in their country, its loss of moral strength, pride and confidence, and its surrender to foreign cultural domination.
He urged upon his father the idea that as Indonesians they should be more conscious of their own, authentic values and find strength in their own traditions. I first thought that the son meant local knowledge and cultural practices and, like his father, wanted to reconnect with his Javanese roots, but Pak Dody explained his son meant a different set of authentic values and kept urging him to turn to Reformist Islam. Perhaps some criticism filri implied when firki narrated his experiences in Saudi Arabia, where the Red Cross, because of its very name and flag, perpetually ran into problems and was accused of Christian proselytism.